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    TUHODezinformace o klimatu // Rage Against the Fossil Machine
    Jedním ze zásadních důvodů, proč je klimatická změna tak obtížné téma je obrovské množství dezinformací, které ho obklopuje. Sociologové identifikovali široké dezinformační hnutí, které je z části organizované fosilním průmyslem. Množství empirických důkazů ukazuje, že fosilní průmysl ročně vynakládá obrovské množství prostředků za cílem oddálit nebo neutralizovat politiky směřující k regulaci spotřeby fosilních paliv. Jak se ale v takové debatě vyznat? Jaká je česká debata v kontextu světa? Ale hlavně jaké subjekty se do dezinformací zapojují, jaké techniky a jaké prostředky používají k neutralizaci veřejné diskuze.
    rozbalit záhlaví
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    In our mind, the foremost barrier to combattingmisinformation in the US is the intense political polarizationthat, of course, is related intimately to decreasing social capital,rising inequality, declining trust in science, and an increas-ingly fractionated media landscape. While still debating thesources of polarization, political scientists agree that it hasreached unprecedented levels and stems more from Republi-cans moving far to the right than Democrats moving to the left(Mann & Ornstein, 2016). The rise of “negative partisanship,”in particular, has created a situation in which Republicans andDemocrats are likely to regard the opposing party as a threat tothe nation and view its followers in highly negative terms (PewResearch Center, 2016).9In this context, Republicans’ skepti-cism about Russian meddling in the last election and especiallytheir increasingly favorable views of Russia and Putin may notbe so surprising; anything and anyone keeping Democrats outof office is acceptable (Riley, 2017).This intense political polarization in the US is abetted by threefactors largely beyond the scope of Lewandowsky et al. (2017).First is the intentional promotion of misinformation in the pow-erful conservative echo chamber, ranging from the conspiracytheories of Infowars and Rush Limbaugh to the consistent liesand exaggerations about liberal politicians and Democratic can-didates spread on Fox News, Breitbart, and talk radio (Benkler,Faris, Roberts, & Zuckerman, 2017). Second is the utility ofmisinformation (especially systemic lies but also, increasingly,shock and chaos) to powerful political and economic interests(e.g., the Koch Brothers and fossil fuels corporations) and theirconsequent and unrelenting support for it, which was only brieflytouched on by Lewandowsky et al. (2017). Third is the insti-tutionalization of “false equivalence” in so-called mainstreamfollowers

    https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2017-57700-005
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    Developing a Critical Response to Ad Hominem Attacks Against Climate Science

    Ad hominem attacks against climate scientists—including personal attacks questioning an individual’s character, competence, or motives—remain the most common type of contrarian strategy found in contemporary climate debates. Despite their pervasiveness, climate-related ad hominem argumentation remains understudied by scholars in both the humanities and social sciences. This study adapts Douglas Walton’s critical framework for identifying ad hominem attacks against the climate community and evaluating them for rhetorical errors by analyzing developing critical responses. This article offers guidance for future inoculation interventions, including media literacy campaigns that raise awareness and understanding of ad hominem attacks used by contrarian organizations in misinformation campaigns targeting climate science.

    https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/00027642241240352
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    OMG, Allatra jede dobrej bullshit

    Renowned intelligence educator and national security expert, Egon Cholakian, who used to work with Reagan ‘s White House, has uncovered his groundbreaking and surprising revelations in regards to hideous covert designs disrupting and threatening the foundations of democratic systems globally. A recent video address on The Earth Save Science Collaborative platform features Dr. Cholakian’s discussion of his 30-year-long investigation into a secretive anti-democratic entity responsible for a complex and multidimensional subversive campaign. Dr. Cholakian discusses the shadowy operations that his investigation links to this enigmatic group, emphasizing its targeting and manipulation of the global media landscapes through spreading disinformation, false narratives, and coordinated attacks exacerbating tensions across social communities.

    Uncovering a Global Disinformation Tactics: Revelation by Intelligence Educator Egon Cholakian - Modern Diplomacy
    https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2024/04/20/uncovering-a-global-disinformation-tactics-revelation-by-intelligence-educator-egon-cholakian/
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    Krange, BP Kaltenborn, M Hultman (2021) “Don’t confuse me with facts”—how right wing populism affects trust in agencies advocating anthropogenic climate change as a reality” Humanities and Social Sciences Communications Vol. 8 Nr. DOI: 110.1057/s41599021-00930-7
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    Populist far right discursive-institutional tactics in European regional decarbonization

    What rhetorical strategies are populist far-right parties using to delay regional decarbonization? This paper focuses on three populist far-right parties—the Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE), Alternative for Germany (AfD), and Poland's Law and Justice (PiS)—and the discursive-institutional tactics each used from 2014 to 2021 to delay decarbonization of their carbon-intensive regions. We identify three discursive-institutional tactics used by populist far-right actors to delay decarbonization: (1) politicizing decarbonization, (2) reframing cultural values to form alliances with anti-decarbonization movements, and (3) dismantling key decarbonization institutions. We show that the populist far-right discursive-institutional tactics in European regional decarbonization are prevalent and vary widely. The politics of backlash against the EU-driven progressive public policies and anti-democratic rhetoric, including xenophobia and national sovereignty discourses are commonly used by these three populist far right parties to mobilize counternarratives against climate change and regional decarbonization. EKRE and PiS typically portray themselves as the protectors of social insurance and safety for vulnerable groups affected by regional decarbonization. PiS and AfD harness regional identity to mobilize civic engagement against decarbonization. All three parties work to empty and dismantle key decarbonization institutions. Overall, our findings suggest that carbon-intensive regions are particularly susceptible to the discursive tactics and institutional work of populist far-right parties, and may therefore provide opportunities for these parties to constrain decarbonization more broadly.

    Redirecting
    https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0962629823001142
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    What I don't think most people realize, and what that PR industry spokesperson would probably prefer they didn't, is that PR is still very much propaganda, except now it also has the sort of distribution mechanism Bernays only dreamed of, compliments of social media. To even hope to combat it, we first have to understand what exactly we're dealing with here. At its most basic, PR is the management of a company or industry's relationship with various "publics." Those publics consist of a company's customers, broader cultural influencers, politicians, journalists, teachers, thought leaders, other industries, competitors, potential hires, employees, investors, shareholders, the list goes on and on. With each of these publics, the company or industry is trying to elicit a particular behavior—they want you to buy their thing, or vote for a particular policy or, if you're a politician, maybe they want you to advocate for or against regulatory changes of some kind.

    PR firms help companies do all of that. They set up photo opps for their clients to be seen amongst particular crowds of people, arrange speaking engagements at the right conferences, set up meetings with diplomats and tech leaders, and advise on philanthropic strategies. So when, for example, Charles Koch began investing millions in MIT to fund research that would later underpin policies locking in support for natural gas and then carbon capture in the U.S., it's entirely possible that his foundation's PR firm, Edelman, was advising on that strategy. We've covered before how PR firms carefully crafted the persona of Al Jaber, and helped to successfully position the UAE to win its COP28 hosting bid. This is work that goes way beyond sending out press releases or occasionally meeting with journalists, these are information warfare tactics. And for good reason. The founders of most of today's top PR firms got their training in military intelligence and psychological warfare (for real!) then put that knowledge to work on behalf of corporations looking for an end-run around democracy.

    The Many Forms of Fossil Fuel Propaganda
    https://drilled.ghost.io/what-the-pr-industry-is-and-is-not/?ref=drilled-newsletter
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    Climate change contrarian think tanks in Europe: A network analysis

    Drawing from network theory and previous findings from US-based analyses, we measure the structure and interconnectedness of climate contrarian think tanks in Europe. This exploratory analysis can illustrate European organizations’ capacity to promote or disrupt political discourse. To this end, we use social network analysis to conduct actor-focused research. We identify the individuals bridging European think tanks, as well as their ties with the US climate change contrarian network. Our analysis reveals a discernible network structure for European climate change contrarian think tanks, with a profile connected to neoliberal organizations, including a few, but highly relevant links, with the US countermovement. We also find that the European think tanks’ institutional structure is very much shaped by a strong predominance of men, which aligns with previous research on masculinity and climate contrarianism.

    https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/09636625221137815
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    Researchers have revealed that fossil fuel companies paid Meta, which owns social media platforms Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, up to $5.12 million (€4.68 million) for climate disinformation ads in recent months.
    Four oil and gas majors — Shell, ExxonMobil, BP and TotalEnergies — accounted for 98% of that advertising spending, noted "Deny, Deceive, Delay (Vol.3): Climate Information Integrity Ahead of COP28," a new report published by the global research coalition Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD).
    The pro-fossil fuel social media advertisements serve to reinforce — and monetize — climate disinformation generated by right-wing news websites and publications like The Daily Telegraph in the UK, The Daily Wire and Breitbart in the US, and Sky News in Australia.
    On Facebook, ads surveyed included misleading green claims about Big Oil's commitment to renewable energy — despite the sector providing barely 1% of global investment in clean power, the report noted.
    Ads simultaneously promoted the need to maintain the flow of oil and gas, which are among the biggest sources of planet-heating greenhouse gases that delegates in Dubai are looking to phase out.
    "We're increasing investment in lower carbon energy and keeping oil and gas flowing where it is needed," ran one Facebook ad by petroleum giant, BP.

    Climate lies ramp up ahead of crucial climate talks in Dubai – DW – 11/29/2023
    https://www.dw.com/en/climate-misinformation-heats-up-ahead-of-of-crucial-climate-talks/a-67573678
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    That Which They Will Not See: Climate Denial as a Vector of Epistemological Crisis in the Contemporary United States
    Susannah Crockford

    Climate denial continues as a cultural epistemology for anthropogenic climate change in the United States, despite worsening impacts. This article offers an ethnographic account of rural areas in three states in the southern US – Arizona, Louisiana, and Missouri – based on long-term participant observation and interview data. Engaging with the literature on agnotology, the social construction of ignorance, the argument is made that this literature as it pertains to climate denial does not go far enough in accounting for the persistence of the rejection of climate science. Theoretically drawing from anthropological work on the incommensurability of paradigms, the argument is based on a tripartite construction of denial as produced through an interaction of a cultural norm of radical empiricism, a political-media ecosystem funded by fossil fuel companies, and a cosmological schema derived from conservative white evangelicalism. The result of this process is an epistemological crisis in contemporary American society.

    https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1065912920946400?journalCode=prqb
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    Russian climate scepticism: an understudied case

    In this paper, we consider climate scepticism in the Russian context. We are interested in whether this has been discussed within the social scientific literature and ask first whether there is a discernible climate sceptical discourse in Russia. We find that there is very little literature directly on this topic in either English or Russian and we seek to synthesise related literature to fill the gap. Secondly, we consider whether Russian climate scepticism has been shaped by the same factors as in the USA, exploring how scientists, the media, public opinion, the government and business shaped climate scepticism in Russia. Climate scepticism in the USA is understood as a ‘conservative countermovement’ that seeks to react against the perceived gains of the progressive environmental movement, but we argue that this is not an appropriate framework for understanding Russian climate scepticism. Articulated within a less agonistic environment and situated within an authoritarian regime, Russian expressions of climate scepticism balance the environmental, political and economic needs of the regime under the constraints of a strong ‘carbon culture’ and closed public debate.

    Russian climate scepticism: an understudied case | Climatic Change
    https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10584-022-03390-3
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    A Road to Denial: Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000
    Neoliberal and conservative actors, financed by the fossil fuel industry, have been identified as crucial parts of a climate change denialist counter movement since at least the 1980s. We claim that this intersection stems from more than just vested interest fuelling advocacy groups. By focusing on the intellectual developments and social networks of core actors in the environmental debate in Sweden, we trace the history of opposition to environmental regulation in a country proclaiming to be an environmental pioneer. Our analysis shows that while the framing of climate change in terms of complexity initially provided actors with arguments for neoliberal policies, the obstruction of climate and environmental action was steeped in a neoliberal thought style. Our findings demonstrate the importance of scrutinising economic paradigms and thought styles that has enabled the delay of climate policy as well as the continued need for historical and geographically specific studies of obstruction.

    A Road to Denial: Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000 | Contemporary European History | Cambridge Core
    https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/contemporary-european-history/article/road-to-denial-climate-change-and-neoliberal-thought-in-sweden-19882000/66D0AAA63B994C7BE57179A06F79594A
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    ABSTRACT
    Most obvious and explicitly illustrated by the politics of the Trump administration in the US, but also evident in Europe, far-right nationalism have merged with climate change denialism. This merge is just starting to get scholarly attention, despite this research may provide new and important knowledge of resistance towards effective climate politics as well as of broader political issues such as democracy, human rights and diversity. Sweden has high credentials in both environmental politics as well as in welcoming refugees, but these values and politic has of lately been heavily challenged by the neo-fascist party Sweden Democrats. This chapter deals with the environmental communication in this political landscape from 2013 and onwards with a specific focus on climate change denialism of Sweden Democrats (SD). Since two consecutive elections, SD are firmly placed in an unneglectable swing role that Swedish governments both of liberal-conservative and social democratic-green shapes have needed to consider. In this chapter we focus empirically on the period 2013–2017 and follow the arguments from and work by SD politicians. The chapter discuss how and in what way far-right and climate change denialist groups have merged with focus on anti-establishment rhetoric, marketing of doubts, industrial/breadwinner masculinities and nationalism.

    The Far Right and Climate Change Denial | 8 | Denouncing environmental
    https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781351104043-8/far-right-climate-change-denial-martin-hultman-anna-bj%C3%B6rk-tamya-viinikka
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    Proc v Cine chciplo klima-dezinformacni hnuti?

    On Jan. 17, 2010, a highly popular — and provocative — television host named Larry Hsien Ping Lang devoted an entire episode of his current affairs talk show, Larry’s Eyes on Finance, to the “great swindle” of global warming. Lang, a University of Pennsylvania-educated economist who was once described as China’s version of Larry King, told his millions of viewers that the goal of Europe and the United States at the Copenhagen negotiations was to prevent China from being a global leader.

    “The Western countries manufactured the climate myth without any scientific integrity,” and they have proceeded to “demonize and constrain China in the name of climate,” Lang said. Clips of the episode were viewed tens of millions of times on Youku, China’s YouTube.

    Lang’s worldview seemed to resonate. “[The weather] is obviously getting colder and colder, but they are still lying through their teeth. These disgusting Westerners never stop trying to topple China,” argued one online commenter in response to Lang’s show. “These foreign bastards are so worried that China will rise and surpass the United States. Because they are jealous of China, they even made up lies about China … the scientists are all puppets controlled by politics,” read another. The commenter continued: “Copenhagen liars! American liars!”

    Over the next year, more than a half-dozen books on the West’s climate conspiracy were published in China. Social media posts theorizing an American conspiracy proliferated.

    Then something strange happened. After 2011, no more climate skeptic books were published. China’s state leaders stopped their skeptical statements, and the intense online discussions diminished. Just as it was gaining steam, the conspiracy theory seemed to disappear. And along with it, any public mention of climate change denial. As climate skeptics were gaining a steady foothold in U.S. politics, why did China’s suddenly vanish?

    The Convenient Disappearance of Climate Change Denial in China – Foreign Policy
    https://foreignpolicy.com/2017/05/31/the-convenient-disappearance-of-climate-change-denial-in-china/
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    No a sem se to hodi taky. Musim rict, ze jsem dlouho nemel takovou depku jako pri cteni tohodle textu.

    Sbornik o existencnich rizicich - vystup konference ze Stanfordu. Prispevek tam ma i kral historie klimatologie Paul N. Edwards (na strane 133), ale je to temnota.

    Is Climate Change Ungovernable?
    Abstract: This paper reviews the potential for catastrophic, civilization-threatening climate change
    within the next 2-3 centuries if climate sensitivity is on the high end of IPCC estimates and the
    thresholds of various tipping points are crossed. I argue that empirical evidence supports a
    substantial likelihood of future climate policy reversals by major emitters, resulting in continuing
    accumulation of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. On high-end sensitivity estimates, Paris
    Agreement pledges to date are insufficient even if fully implemented. Policy is always reversible,
    and major reversals have already occurred. Climate denialism and misdirection can, and probably
    will, be amplified by artificial intelligence and social media. Finally, the focus on international
    governance mechanisms obscures the many levels of jurisdiction that must be engaged for strong
    climate policy to take effect. The paper concludes that while renewable energy progress presents a
    hopeful note, chances are high that current structu

    Intersections, Reinforcements, Cascades
    Proceedings of the 2023 Stanford Existential Risks Conference

    https://stacks.stanford.edu/file/druid:pn116pv4512/Intersections%2C%20Reinforcements%2C%20Cascades_Proceedings%20of%20the%202023%20Stanford%20Existential%20Risks%20Conference.pdf#page=133
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    The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has assumed Nordhaus is to be trusted. The integrated assessment models used at the IPCC are based on Nordhausian visions of adaptation to warming that only marginally reduces global gross domestic product. If future GDP is barely affected by rising temperatures, there’s less incentive for world governments to act now to reduce emissions.

    Nordhaus’s models tell us that at a temperature rise somewhere between 2.7 and 3.5 degrees Celsius, the global economy reaches “optimal” adaptation. What’s optimal in this scenario is that fossil fuels can continue to be burned late into the 21st century, powering economic growth, jobs, and innovation. Humanity, asserts Nordhaus, can adapt to such warming with modest infrastructure investments, gradual social change, and, in wealthy developed countries, little sacrifice. All the while, the world economy expands with the spewing of more carbon.

    When Idiot Savants Do Climate Economics
    https://theintercept.com/2023/10/29/william-nordhaus-climate-economics/
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    The Cultural Production of Climate Disinformation
    A Social Network Analysis of the NIPCC

    This master thesis in media and communication studies examines the production and dissemination of disinformation regarding climate change. Utilizing a synthesis of social network analysis, cultural industries, and disinformation studies. It is a study of the Nongovernmental International Panel on Climate Change and its production of texts. Arguing that this is a form of cultural production and should be studied as such. Conducting a social network analysis to illustrate the network structure behind the production and asking the question of how and why this is occurring. Exploring themes of post-truth, scientific realism, and conspiracy theories. The result of the study concludes that the NIPCC is producing and disseminating climate disinformation. Providing an outline of the process and chain of production. Further suggesting that it is financed by economic and political elites through a system of patronage as a means of protecting their interests. Lastly discussing the function production of disinformation serves as “corrupted infrastructures of meaning” supporting alternative epistemological realities.
    Keywords
    Disinformation, climate change, post-truth, social network analysis, The Cultural Industries, climate communication, NIPCC,

    https://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1685766/FULLTEXT01.pdf
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    f you go back a couple of decades, as we sometimes say, the signal was still emerging from the noise. The science very clearly established that we were warming the planet and changing the climate in various ways. But in terms of public understanding, the public wasn’t really seeing it yet in the form of the sorts of unprecedented extreme weather events that we’re now seeing and the coastal inundation and droughts and heatwaves and wildfires and floods. It wasn’t yet that apparent. There was still a window of opportunity for climate polluters and those promoting their agenda. There was really an effort to discredit the science, often by discrediting the scientists. And I found myself at the receiving end of personal attacks that were intended to discredit the hockey stick curve because it was perceived as such a threat.

    What kind of attacks?

    I received a white powder in the mail. The FBI had to come to my office. There was police tape over my office. They had to send out the sample to the lab to have it tested. It turned out it was cornmeal or something. It was intended to intimidate and scare me. And demands from conservative politicians that I be fired from my job at the University of Pennsylvania. Fox News, the Wall Street Journal, vilifying me to their audiences. It was a full-throttle effort to discredit me because of the threat of the hockey stick curve that I had published.

    Okay, 25 years later, are you still being bullied?

    Well, the battle has largely moved on. We’ve really evolved mostly past denialism because the impacts of climate change are staring us in the face. They’ve become so obvious we can see them play out in real time. And there is a resurgence, a superficial resurgence of denial, like on social media, Twitter, for example. But it’s not real in the sense that the actual public survey work that’s been done shows that it remains a fairly small fraction of the American public, roughly 10 percent, who are climate dismissives. So in reality, most people have moved on. The vast majority of the public gets it. They understand because they can see it, they can feel it. It’s not like the fossil fuel industry has given up. They’re still doing everything they can to prevent us from moving on. But they’ve largely moved away from [outright] denialism toward these softer denialist tactics.

    How to recognize the new climate change denial, explained by a climate scientist - Vox
    https://www.vox.com/platform/amp/climate/23885799/climate-change-denial-fossil-fuel-companies-exxon-mobil
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    One of the Koch network’s most powerful allies was on board: Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas.
    Though Charles Koch is one of the 25 richest people in the world, worth an estimated $64 billion, he raises money from other wealthy people to amplify the network’s reach. The network brought in at least $700 million in 2021, the most recent year for which data is available. It has more than 1,000 employees who, on paper, work for different groups.

    But for all its complexity, the network is a centralized operation, staffers said. Many of the groups occupy the same buildings in Arlington, Virginia, and share leadership and often staff. Many of the donations go into a central pot, from which hundreds of millions of dollars are disbursed to the smaller groups focused on various political and social concerns, according to tax filings and former employees.

    For decades, the Kochs have held deep antipathy to government regulation. When Charles Koch’s brother David ran for vice president on the Libertarian Party ticket in 1980, the party platform called for abolishing the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Energy and the Food and Drug Administration.

    Every winter, the network holds its marquee fundraising event in the Coachella Valley in Southern California. Hundreds of donors fly in to learn how their money is being spent and plan for the coming year. Former staffers describe an emphasis on preventing leaks that bordered on obsession. The network often rents out an entire hotel for the event, keeping out eavesdroppers. Documents left behind are methodically shredded. One recent attendee recalled Koch security staff in a golf cart escorting their Uber driver out of the hotel to make sure he left. The former staffers spoke on the condition of anonymity because they feared retaliation.

    Clarence Thomas Secretly Participated in Koch Network Donor Events — ProPublica
    https://www.propublica.org/article/clarence-thomas-secretly-attended-koch-brothers-donor-events-scotus
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    Concerns have been raised that a focus on greenhouse gas removals (GGR) in climate models, scientific literature and other media might deter measures to mitigate climate change through reduction of emissions at source – the phenomenon of ‘mitigation deterrence’. Given the urgent need for climate action, any delay in emissions reduction would be worrying. We convened nine deliberative workshops to expose stakeholders to futures scenarios involving mitigation deterrence. The workshops examined ways in which deterrence might arise, and how it could be minimised. The deliberation exposed social and cultural interactions that might otherwise remain hidden. The paper describes narratives and ideas discussed in the workshops regarding political and economic mechanisms through which mitigation deterrence might occur, the plausibility of such pathways, and measures recommended to reduce the risk of such occurrence. Mitigation deterrence is interpreted as an important example of the ‘attraction of delay’ in a setting in which there are many incentives for procrastination. While our stakeholders accepted the historic persistence of delay in mitigation, some struggled to accept that similar processes, involving GGRs, may be happening now. The paper therefore also reviews the claims made by participants about mitigation deterrence, identifying discursive strategies that advocates of carbon removal might deploy to deflect concerns about mitigation deterrence. We conclude that the problem of mitigation deterrence is significant, needs to be recognised in climate policy, and its mechanisms better understood. Based on stakeholder proposals we suggest ways of governing GGR which would maximise both GGR and carbon reduction through other means.

    Attractions of delay - Research Portal | Lancaster University
    http://www.research.lancs.ac.uk/portal/en/publications/-(6b6ee121-fcff-4096-838d-70c41836b29c).html
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    Gerulata Sentinel works with data provided by Gerulata Monitor, which covers the web and social networks including leading platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Tik-Tok and Youtube, but also Telegram and VKontakte. This comprehensive social media coverage ensures that in many cases major events are captured before news outlets have the chance to report on them.

    Gerulata Sentinel
    https://www.gerulata.com/products/gerulata-sentinel
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