He is now the frontman for powerful people on the right attempting to take over the world. And I was at their self-described replacement for the World Economic Forum: the second annual conference of the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship (ARC).

Surrounding me were close to 3,000 people, mostly men in suits, who had paid £1,500 (about CAD $2,750) to attend. Elite conservative politicians from Canada, the U.K. and Europe, the U.S., including Mike Johnson, Chris Wright, Kemi Badenoch, and Candice Bergen gave speeches. Some congregated at VIP tables in the centre of the conference hall along with representatives from fossil fuel, tech and arms-dealing corporations. In the bleachers behind them, thousands of conservatives from around the world applauded Peterson's attacks on climate efforts, the sexual revolution and progressive politics.

…

At a time of escalating climate disaster, this group is crafting a battle plan to destroy essential climate action in the name of ideology.
…

Man."

“The West," she said, is facing a "civilisational moment," and the survival of countries and regions like Canada, Europe and the U.S. is on the line. Immigration is eroding the identity of western countries. Sexual freedom and "hedonism" have made Western youth nihilistic. Diversity, equity and inclusion, and the programs and policies that support them, are harming the West's Christian cultural foundations. Climate change isn't a crisis.

…

I saw in this area Leslyn Lewis, an ultra-conservative and former Conservative Party of Canada leadership hopeful who is on the ARC board. I noticed former Australian conservative prime minister Scott Morrison, and I spotted a vice-president of AI at Microsoft.

…

I was emotionally drained as the conference drew to a close. In my regular life, the constant flow of headlines about how right-wing politicians and businesspeople are dismantling vital environmental laws, attacking human rights and gender rights, destroying basic social services and abetting genocide is depressing. But plunging into ARC, where those very policies are celebrated, left me with too many hard questions.

What will Peterson and his ARC mean for the climate if they manage to transform their vision into reality?

I spent 3 days at Jordan Peterson’s anti-climate ARC conference. Here’s what I saw | Canada's National Observer: Climate News
https://www.nationalobserver.com/2025/03/10/opinion/jordan-peterson-anti-climate-arc-conference

TUHO: Tohle je kazdopadne zajimavej vyvoj.

German influencer Naomi Seibt recently shared a post on social media after taking a Uber ride in a Tesla. She recorded a video to narrate her experience of getting into the self-driven vehicle for the first time. Seibt termed it her best ride and praised Tesla CEO Elon Musk for the advanced technology and efficiency the car offered.

Taking to X, the influencer wrote, "Best Uber ride of my life: I got to witness first-hand how the new Tesla manages to maneuver around obstacles and steer the wheel automatically." "This technology will revolutionize the market, no one can come close. Respect, @elonmusk," she added.

https://www.freepressjournal.in/viral/german-influencer-gets-on-elon-musks-self-driving-tesla-during-uber-ride-shares-experience-in-viral-video

However, some groups still deny this fact or do not believe that climate change results from human activities. This article examines climate change denialism and its skeptical arguments, as well as the roles of scientists and science communication in addressing the issues. Through this article, we call for the active participation of scientists in science communication activities with the public, the initiation of new science communication sectors specified for climate change, and more attention to social sciences and humanities in addressing climate change issues.

Climate change denial theories, skeptical arguments, and the role of science communication | SN Social Sciences
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s43545-024-00978-7

https://cleantechnica.com/2024/11/16/climate-mis-and-disinformation-are-shaping-discourse-opposition-to-renewables/
In many cases, this process is inseparable from ongoing, systemic issues in the governance of digital platforms and the incentives built into social media.

TUHO: Where ideology meets private interest: the three-part composition of climate obstruction in the United States
A network of organizations working to oppose climate action, called the climate change counter- movement (CCCM), has long been a critical yet highly opaque subject of study for social scientists concerned with climate politics. We leverage a new combined dataset of boards of directors, financial contributions, and texts produced by CCCM members to characterize its sources of support and social structure. We show that foundations tend to make more frequent and larger donations to CCCM nonprofits when they are linked through a board member. We also show that CCCM nonprofits which are more distant from each other in the social network of board members produce different climate change discourses. Community detection methods robustly detect three communities within the CCCM: conservative think tanks (CTT), oil and gas trade associations, and utility, coal, and manufacturing trade associations, each with unique goals within the countermovement. The findings suggest that the climate countermovement is an interface among these communities which together ensure that climate action obstruction is achieved on different but complementary fronts, through both discursive and more concrete policy efforts. This paper also introduces a new way of understanding organized climate obstruction and makes significant methodological contributions in the study of social movements and countermov

In our mind, the foremost barrier to combattingmisinformation in the US is the intense political polarizationthat, of course, is related intimately to decreasing social capital,rising inequality, declining trust in science, and an increas-ingly fractionated media landscape. While still debating thesources of polarization, political scientists agree that it hasreached unprecedented levels and stems more from Republi-cans moving far to the right than Democrats moving to the left(Mann & Ornstein, 2016). The rise of “negative partisanship,”in particular, has created a situation in which Republicans andDemocrats are likely to regard the opposing party as a threat tothe nation and view its followers in highly negative terms (PewResearch Center, 2016).9In this context, Republicans’ skepti-cism about Russian meddling in the last election and especiallytheir increasingly favorable views of Russia and Putin may notbe so surprising; anything and anyone keeping Democrats outof office is acceptable (Riley, 2017).This intense political polarization in the US is abetted by threefactors largely beyond the scope of Lewandowsky et al. (2017).First is the intentional promotion of misinformation in the pow-erful conservative echo chamber, ranging from the conspiracytheories of Infowars and Rush Limbaugh to the consistent liesand exaggerations about liberal politicians and Democratic can-didates spread on Fox News, Breitbart, and talk radio (Benkler,Faris, Roberts, & Zuckerman, 2017). Second is the utility ofmisinformation (especially systemic lies but also, increasingly,shock and chaos) to powerful political and economic interests(e.g., the Koch Brothers and fossil fuels corporations) and theirconsequent and unrelenting support for it, which was only brieflytouched on by Lewandowsky et al. (2017). Third is the insti-tutionalization of “false equivalence” in so-called mainstreamfollowers

https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2017-57700-005

Developing a Critical Response to Ad Hominem Attacks Against Climate Science

Ad hominem attacks against climate scientists—including personal attacks questioning an individual’s character, competence, or motives—remain the most common type of contrarian strategy found in contemporary climate debates. Despite their pervasiveness, climate-related ad hominem argumentation remains understudied by scholars in both the humanities and social sciences. This study adapts Douglas Walton’s critical framework for identifying ad hominem attacks against the climate community and evaluating them for rhetorical errors by analyzing developing critical responses. This article offers guidance for future inoculation interventions, including media literacy campaigns that raise awareness and understanding of ad hominem attacks used by contrarian organizations in misinformation campaigns targeting climate science.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/00027642241240352

Krange, BP Kaltenborn, M Hultman (2021) “Don’t confuse me with facts”—how right wing populism affects trust in agencies advocating anthropogenic climate change as a reality” Humanities and Social Sciences Communications Vol. 8 Nr. DOI: 110.1057/s41599021-00930-7

Researchers have revealed that fossil fuel companies paid Meta, which owns social media platforms Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, up to $5.12 million (€4.68 million) for climate disinformation ads in recent months.
Four oil and gas majors — Shell, ExxonMobil, BP and TotalEnergies — accounted for 98% of that advertising spending, noted "Deny, Deceive, Delay (Vol.3): Climate Information Integrity Ahead of COP28," a new report published by the global research coalition Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD).
The pro-fossil fuel social media advertisements serve to reinforce — and monetize — climate disinformation generated by right-wing news websites and publications like The Daily Telegraph in the UK, The Daily Wire and Breitbart in the US, and Sky News in Australia.
On Facebook, ads surveyed included misleading green claims about Big Oil's commitment to renewable energy — despite the sector providing barely 1% of global investment in clean power, the report noted.
Ads simultaneously promoted the need to maintain the flow of oil and gas, which are among the biggest sources of planet-heating greenhouse gases that delegates in Dubai are looking to phase out.
"We're increasing investment in lower carbon energy and keeping oil and gas flowing where it is needed," ran one Facebook ad by petroleum giant, BP.

Climate lies ramp up ahead of crucial climate talks in Dubai – DW – 11/29/2023
https://www.dw.com/en/climate-misinformation-heats-up-ahead-of-of-crucial-climate-talks/a-67573678

That Which They Will Not See: Climate Denial as a Vector of Epistemological Crisis in the Contemporary United States
Susannah Crockford

Climate denial continues as a cultural epistemology for anthropogenic climate change in the United States, despite worsening impacts. This article offers an ethnographic account of rural areas in three states in the southern US – Arizona, Louisiana, and Missouri – based on long-term participant observation and interview data. Engaging with the literature on agnotology, the social construction of ignorance, the argument is made that this literature as it pertains to climate denial does not go far enough in accounting for the persistence of the rejection of climate science. Theoretically drawing from anthropological work on the incommensurability of paradigms, the argument is based on a tripartite construction of denial as produced through an interaction of a cultural norm of radical empiricism, a political-media ecosystem funded by fossil fuel companies, and a cosmological schema derived from conservative white evangelicalism. The result of this process is an epistemological crisis in contemporary American society.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1065912920946400?journalCode=prqb

Russian climate scepticism: an understudied case

In this paper, we consider climate scepticism in the Russian context. We are interested in whether this has been discussed within the social scientific literature and ask first whether there is a discernible climate sceptical discourse in Russia. We find that there is very little literature directly on this topic in either English or Russian and we seek to synthesise related literature to fill the gap. Secondly, we consider whether Russian climate scepticism has been shaped by the same factors as in the USA, exploring how scientists, the media, public opinion, the government and business shaped climate scepticism in Russia. Climate scepticism in the USA is understood as a ‘conservative countermovement’ that seeks to react against the perceived gains of the progressive environmental movement, but we argue that this is not an appropriate framework for understanding Russian climate scepticism. Articulated within a less agonistic environment and situated within an authoritarian regime, Russian expressions of climate scepticism balance the environmental, political and economic needs of the regime under the constraints of a strong ‘carbon culture’ and closed public debate.

Russian climate scepticism: an understudied case | Climatic Change
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10584-022-03390-3

A Road to Denial: Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000
Neoliberal and conservative actors, financed by the fossil fuel industry, have been identified as crucial parts of a climate change denialist counter movement since at least the 1980s. We claim that this intersection stems from more than just vested interest fuelling advocacy groups. By focusing on the intellectual developments and social networks of core actors in the environmental debate in Sweden, we trace the history of opposition to environmental regulation in a country proclaiming to be an environmental pioneer. Our analysis shows that while the framing of climate change in terms of complexity initially provided actors with arguments for neoliberal policies, the obstruction of climate and environmental action was steeped in a neoliberal thought style. Our findings demonstrate the importance of scrutinising economic paradigms and thought styles that has enabled the delay of climate policy as well as the continued need for historical and geographically specific studies of obstruction.

A Road to Denial: Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000 | Contemporary European History | Cambridge Core
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/contemporary-european-history/article/road-to-denial-climate-change-and-neoliberal-thought-in-sweden-19882000/66D0AAA63B994C7BE57179A06F79594A