Velmi zajimavej clanek o chapani inlface v ekonomicky teorii a jak soucasny soky - od covidu, valku na UA po nutnost alokovat zdroje na reseni klimaticky krize to cely obracej naruby. Celkem must read.
Policymakers don’t need to wait until things go wrong to try to stabilize them—they could instead take proactive steps to insulate important sectors from shocks. The Biden Administration is now trying to do just that. Last summer, it began selling oil from the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve and issuing price guarantees to drillers in return for expanded production. Meanwhile, Congress passed the Inflation Reduction Act and the chips and Science Act, which, combined, provided six hundred and thirty billion dollars for domestic microchip factories, wind and solar power, scientific research, and an electric-vehicle program that subsidizes the entire E.V. production chain.
There’s a coherent, unified energy strategy at work here. Biden has been helping households manage short-term fossil-fuel costs while attempting to lower long-term fossil-fuel demand by expanding the supply of electric vehicles and green energy. Consumers aren’t being punished with high prices today, and they will be offered lower prices on cleaner vehicles in the future. You can call this climate policy, foreign policy, or industrial policy—regardless, as a deliberate demotion of the market in favor of public economic management, it has a Weberian aura. Biden and Congress have decided not to let individual self-interest, consumer choice, or market competition determine the course of energy and manufacturing policy. They are quite straightforwardly attempting to reshape an industrial sector for the sake of other democratic goals.
Parts of the economy have always worked this way, to different degrees. The U.S. government has been subsidizing agriculture since the nineteen-thirties, and energy development since the First World War. The government helped build railroads and develop the early Internet. It owns Amtrak and built the highways that carry our cars, and it guarantees the money that ordinary people store in banks. But, starting in the late nineteen-seventies, mainstream economists and policymakers began to view these efforts as outliers and embarrassments. “The vision of public investment that had energized the American project in the postwar years—and indeed for much of our history—had faded,” Jake Sullivan, Biden’s national-security adviser, said recently. “It had given way to a set of ideas that championed tax cutting and deregulation, privatization over public action, and trade liberalization as an end in itself. There was one assumption at the heart of all of this policy: that markets always allocate capital productively and efficiently.”
https://www.newyorker.com/news/persons-of-interest/what-if-were-thinking-about-inflation-all-wrong