Analyzing Climate Change Debates in the U.S. Congress: Party Control and Mobilizing Networks
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/rhc3.12062

This study examines the differences, if any, in congressional hearings and testimonies on global climate change between Democrat- and Republican-controlled Congresses from 1976 to 2006. Using statistical and network analysis, we examine along party lines the connectedness among congressional committees, issue foci, and witness sectors. While the levels of attention to global climate change were similar between Democrat- and Republican-controlled Congresses, our findings reveal that Democratic Congresses tend to seek scientific evidence for global climate change and advance energy-regulatory policies with a focus on mobilizing environmentalists and scientific knowledge. In contrast, Republican Congresses tend to expand the climate change debates and conflicts by bringing in a diversified set of witnesses, focusing on the implications of international climate negotiations and economic impacts of policy changes, and mobilizing pro-industrial sectors and non-scientific opinions. Showing the differences in the networks that connect policy actors and mobilize various policy sources in congressional hearings and testimonies, we conclude that party control significantly affects the dynamics of climate change debates in the U.S. Congress for the given period.

Global warming is one of the most significant and difficult issues facing the world today. As result, researchers in a number of disciplines have directed their attention to addressing issues relevant to the study of and responses to global warming. This has been less true in the social sciences, and especially within specific social sciences such as criminology, in comparison to the physical sciences. Global warming does, however, have criminological and sociological relevance on several levels. This article examines one of those levels by exploring the politicalization of global warming under the Bush Administration, and addresses this issue as an example of state-corporate crime.

Global warming and state-corporate crime: the politicalization of global warming under the Bush administration | SpringerLink
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10611-010-9245-6

Starsi overview clanek na Rolling Stone

As the World Burns
How Big Oil and Big Coal mounted one of the most agressive lobbying campaigns in history to block progress on global warming

As the World Burns – Rolling Stone
https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-news/as-the-world-burns-2-199797/

Numerous studies to date have interrogated United States (US) think tanks—and their networks—involved in climate change countermovement (CCM). Comparatively in Europe (EU), research has been lacking. This investigation therefore attends to that gap. We conducted a frame analysis on eight most prominent contrarian think tanks in six countries and four languages in Europe over 24 years (1994–2018). We found that there has been consistent contrarian framing through think tanks in the EU regarding climate change. Yet, we found a proliferation of contrarian outputs particularly in recent years. This uptick in quantity correlates with increases in CCM activities in the US. Our content analyses showed that well-worn climate change counter-frames spread by US CCM organizations were consistently circulated by European organizations as well.
Moreover, we found that, as in the US, neoliberal ideological stances stood out as the most frequently taken up by contrarian think tanks in Europe. As such, we documented that CCM tropes and activities have flowed strongly between US and EU countries.

https://cssn.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Almiron2020_Article_DominantCounter-framesInInflue.pdf

TUHO:




CTT super-claim prevalence and funding from key donors. This figure includes scatterplots and linear regression results (see Supplementary Table S6 for the full results) showing the relationship between the share of CTT funding from “key” conservative donors and the prevalence of claims from the following categories: (a) “Climate movement/science is unreliable” [Category 5] (𝛽=0.403, 𝑝<0.05, 𝑅2=0.56), (b) “Climate solutions won’t work” [Category 4] (𝛽=−0.608, 𝑝<0.05, 𝑅2=0.56), and (c) “Global warming is not happening”, “Human GHGs are not causing global warming” & “Climate impacts are not bad” [Categories 1–3] (𝛽=0.205, 𝑝<0.05, 𝑅2=0.25). Total funding in millions of US dollars over the period 2003-2010 is displayed in (d) along with the share of funding from DonorsTrust/DonorsCapital (red), key donors other than DonorsTrust/DonorsCapital (yellow), and other donors (blue).

TUHO:

A growing body of scholarship investigates the role of misinformation in shaping the debate on climate change. Our research builds on and extends this literature by (1) developing and validating a comprehensive taxonomy of climate contrarianism, (2) conducting the largest content analysis to date on contrarian claims, (3) developing a computational model to accurately classify specific claims, and (4) drawing on an extensive corpus from conservative think-tank (CTTs) websites and contrarian blogs to construct a detailed history of claims over the past 20 years. Our study finds that the claims utilized by CTTs and contrarian blogs have focused on attacking the integrity of climate science and scientists and, increasingly, has challenged climate policy and renewable energy. We further demonstrate the utility of our approach by exploring the influence of corporate and foundation funding on the production and dissemination of specific contrarian claims.

Computer-assisted classification of contrarian claims about climate change | Scientific Reports
https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-021-01714-4

TUHO: A tady ten debunk The Global Warming Swindle na youtube .]

Global Warming Swindle Debate
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ElM968hYkPw

A Schneider ve sve knize Science as a Contact sport o filmu The Great Global Warming Swindle

Media mud wrestling continues in the climate change arena. Among the most recent examples are the machinations involved in the production and distribution of the United Kingdom film The Great Global Warming Swindle. Purportedly a balanced documentary that is the antidote to the “distortions” of the IPCC, the film was shown in the United Kingdom by the sensationalist Channel 4 and across Europe—and reportedly had a major effect in weakening public confidence in global warming science. Among its claims is the absurd assertion that since carbon dioxide is only a tiny fraction of the atmosphere it can hardly be expected to have much effect. This was refuted by Australian climatologist Andy Pittman, who noted that an even more minuscule injection of Ebola virus would kill us, and that it is effect, not amount, of a substance that matters.

Another claim of the movie is that warming up until “now” wasn’t unusual in the past 1,000 years—but what was labeled as “now” was a 20-year-old preliminary graph that did not include the radical warming of the past two decades, which, as noted earlier in the discussion of the “hockey stick,” very likely exceeds all known warming over the past 500 years and likely over the past 1,300 years. To call the end of the graph “now” when it was really the 1980s is, frankly, a scientific lie. Similarly, the film claimed the sun could explain all warming and showed a very highly correlated set of graphs from 1500 to “now” linking global temperatures with sunspot cycles. What the movie’s producers forgot to say was that the graphs left off the past two decades in which solar effects suggested cooling and the planetary warming went to unprecedented record levels—refuting their own theory. Even worse, the producers filled in a section of the graph to show a strong correlation several hundred years ago when in fact there was no data on it—they just made it up to look compelling.

The Public Broadcasting System in the United States refused to air the film, although it was shown in Australia at the insistence of the Conservative Howard government then in power—though handily trashed by an independent program that followed the broadcast, revealing its egregious distortions. Tony Jones, an iconic Australian reporter who anchors Lateline nightly, flew to the United Kingdom, interviewed the filmmaker Martin Durkin, and masterfully took him and the film apart step by step. It was one of the most adept pieces of science journalism I have seen, done by a political reporter who did his homework under the guidance of award-winning science producer, Annamaria Talas.14

A group of respected scientists and advocates filed a grievance against the film company and Channel 4 in the United Kingdom. They cited more than a hundred outright errors in the film and the deliberate misleading of some scientists who participated in it, and they claimed that its distorted presentation caused harm and injury to those who viewed it without access to the correct facts. Their suit was perfunctorily acknowledged—and the film company chided for several distortions—but in the end the complaint was denied in July 2008.

Neco k situaci v Rusku

In this paper, we consider climate scepticism in the Russian context. We are interested in whether this has been discussed within the social scientific literature and ask first whether there is a discernible climate sceptical discourse in Russia. We find that there is very little literature directly on this topic in either English or Russian and we seek to synthesise related literature to fill the gap. Secondly, we consider whether Russian climate scepticism has been shaped by the same factors as in the USA, exploring how scientists, the media, public opinion, the government and business shaped climate scepticism in Russia. Climate scepticism in the USA is understood as a ‘conservative countermovement’ that seeks to react against the perceived gains of the progressive environmental movement, but we argue that this is not an appropriate framework for understanding Russian climate scepticism. Articulated within a less agonistic environment and situated within an authoritarian regime, Russian expressions of climate scepticism balance the environmental, political and economic needs of the regime under the constraints of a strong ‘carbon culture’ and closed public debate.

Russian climate scepticism: an understudied case | SpringerLink
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10584-022-03390-3

TUHO: Jeste k tomu Schneiderovi, tady kratky overview jeho knizky Science as Contact Sport

We know there’s a problem, but spurring the world to action has been a decades-long struggle, and Stephen H. Schneider has been in the front lines of the charge to understand the science, explain the warnings, and mitigate the damage we’ve inflicted upon the environment and ourselves for four decades. One of the world’s leading climatologists, founder of the journal Climatic Change, and senior participant in the Nobel Prize-winning Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), his work has been instrumental in framing both the internal debates within the scientific community and the very public debate on understanding and dealing with climate change.

Science as a Contact Sport is Stephen Schneider’s first-hand account of a scientific odyssey, navigating in both the turbulent waters of the world’s power structures and the arcane theatre of academic debaters. From the initial stages of understanding the science of human-induced climate change to predicting the consequences of our actions 10, 50 and even 250 years out, Dr. Schneider has been there to experience it all. Few people know more about the struggles and knockdown, drag-out fights that have taken place behind the scenes and the people who try to repair the damage as well as those who will stop at nothing to deny that climate change is happening. In this riveting memoir Schneider shares his unique eye witness perspective on an era of scientific discovery and debate that may well be one of the most important periods of time in our planet’s history.

Schneider’s efforts have helped bring about important measures to safeguard our planet, but there’s still more to be done to get them implemented.

This is a battle, and no one knows that better than Dr. Schneider—he’s fought with and against presidents, prime ministers, legislators, mayors, CEOs, movie and media stars, lobbyists, journalists, and even his fellow scientists to share good science and workable solutions with the world.

Science as a Contact Sport Book Overview
http://stephenschneider.stanford.edu/Books/SAACS/saacs_book.htm

TUHO: So the message, dear reader, is look underneath the hype and spin out there and try to separate out what aspects of the debate are legitimate remaining scientific uncertainties—still plenty of those left to go around—and what fraction is simply an ideological protection of world views in drag as “sound science.” That separating job is a real tax on public understanding of how to first understand, and then deal with, very complex topics that have a high bar of information needed to even enter the debate intelligently. In the last chapter of Contact Sport, I ask a scary question: “Can democracy survive complexity?” My National Geographic Society editors thought that too much of a downer as my final chapter title and substituted “What Keeps Me Awake at Night.” Either way, for a representative democracy to function well, both the public and its representatives have to understand what is at stake: Risk equals what can happen multiplied by the odds it will happen.

trochu kontextu od stephene schneidera, ktery je u klimaticke debaty od jejiho zacatku

What underlay this loss of cordiality and honest information exchange from the earlier decade? The most environmentally oriented presidents of the past century, in my view, were Republicans: Richard Nixon—who created the EPA—and Teddy Roosevelt. After all, what is a more conservative word than “conservation”? But to the Reaganites, the very admission of global warming was an ideological no-no. It represented the collective planetary-scale footprint of personal, corporate, and national decisions to use the atmosphere as a convenient, free sewer to dump our smokestack wastes, tailpipe emissions, and side effects of land-use changes like deforestation. To admit that we were harming the planetary commons was to admit that we needed regulatory solutions, some internationalist—the ultimate no-no to ideologists of American hegemony and economic power. So denial of global warming became de facto government policy, since the ideology of protecting entrepreneurial rights over public amenities was Reaganite doctrine. The Gore hearing was the first public gun battle in the Congress.

The Climate War: True Believers, Power Brokers, and the Fight to Save the Earth by Eric Pooley | Climate Soldiers
https://ssir.org/books/reviews/entry/climate_war_eric_pooley#

TUHO:
TUHO: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/12/07/us/politics/oklahoma-attorney-general-letter-written-almost-entirely-by-energy-company.html